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Wherever you take it, this story seems to be the product of a sick mind of horror writer . A story so incredible that would be inadmissible for any self-respecting filmmaker. A story seemingly entirely invented, if only they were not based on facts and documents has never been questioned, in fact duly noted each time they were audited.
now it is right to say it, warning readers that it is a story that has not yet found its conclusion, if ever, find, and that is intertwined with the season that forever changed our lives, stragista the biennium 1992 / 93 . It should tell part by the ideas of the news.
now it is right to say it, warning readers that it is a story that has not yet found its conclusion, if ever, find, and that is intertwined with the season that forever changed our lives, stragista the biennium 1992 / 93 . It should tell part by the ideas of the news.
1993, the year of the bombs and the first revocation of a 41-
a couple of years - more or less since the right arm of the brothers Graviano , Gaspare Spatuzza, began to cooperate with the court - the District Anti-Mafia Directorate of Caltanissetta and Palermo are trying to figure out what the state apparatus have shared with the Cosa Nostra subversive strategy to the sound of bombs that opened the doors to the so-called Second Republic and what were the times and the tools that enabled them to be insane interlocutor, more correctly called 'negotiation', between State and Anti-State. [1] , [2]
With inexcusable delay, in the wake of the revelations of Spatuzza and youngest son of Don Vito Ciancimino , many people have had reverberations of institutional memory on two crucial junctions of the negotiation. The first: the wretched dialogue from the month of June 1992 between ROS Carabinieri (in the persons of official Mario Mori and Giuseppe De Donno, with the coverage of General Antonio Subranni ) and Vito Ciancimino, who Summer 2009 saw the resurrection of memory Luciano Violante, Claudio Martelli and Liliana Ferraro. The second, the revocation or non-successive extension in 1993, in favor of men of Cosa Nostra, the special prison regime under Article 41-bis of the penitentiary, on which the memories were delayed combustion especially those of the then Justice Minister Giovanni Conso that the February 12, 1993 replaced the resigning Claudio Martelli in the first government of Giuliano Amato and was confirmed April 28, 1993 in the next government Carlo Azeglio Ciampi.
Conso showed the November 11, 2010 to the astonished members of the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission have taken on November 5, 1993 in isolation the decision to meet the needs of inmates mafia, to provide a signal provenzaniana peace wing of Cosa Nostra, which at that time had adopted a strategy opposite to that supported by stragista Leoluca Bagarella: "In 1993 the non rinnovai 41 a Palermo jail for 140 inmates and I avoided dell'Ucciardone other massacres ... The decision was not an offer of truce or to open negotiations, did not want to be seen in a perspective of peace, but to see to stop the threat of further massacres. After the bombings of May '93 in Florence, those of July '93 in Milan and Rome, Cosa Nostra was silent. What had changed? Toto 'Riina was arrested, his successor, Bernardo Provenzano was contrary to the policy of massacres, thought more 'business, to do business, so the mafia adopted' a new strategy, not stragista ". [3] As the icy lawyer Savoy had cognizance of the existence of two opposing tendencies within the Cosa Nostra, the fact that the investigators would have discovered long after the intuition of Conso, remains a mystery. Investigators in Palermo on negotiation between the IP owners 'pieces' of the state and 'pieces' dell'antiStato pointed out that in reality at that time did not renew Conso other 194 measures 41-bis prison regime, for a total of 334 prisoners which was not extended the prison term. [4]
Testifying February 15 before the judges of the Court of Assizes of Florence in the trial of crime boss Frank Tagliavia, Conso has even worsened his position untenable: "I of agreements (between pieces and parts of the state of the Mafia, note) does not indicate anything, because I was locked in my bunker. The idea of \u200b\u200ba neighborhood mafia offends me deeply. After a lifetime dedicated to the law, feel suspected of having dealt with ... but not even remotely, be patient! . He then added with incredibly cryptic tone: "I do not that there were mediators, but I certainly can not rule out that two officers, maybe one evening at dinner, you could have said 'let's make a bridge' . Words from the sen fled, those on the understanding "between two officials one evening at dinner " or a specific message? If the message appears it was the reference to men rather than political apparatus. But who could be the officials who met for dinner to "make a bridge ? Perhaps the words of Conso are more poisonous than it seems at first sight. Poisonous as the words of the queue in the deposition of the former minister: " We're not yet able to say anything for sure, maybe with time, slowly, piece by piece get to the truth. " As if there was an informal state secrets, to drop which takes time. [5]
Moreover, the claims of Conso on the non-extension of the measures of hard labor in early November of 1993, as well as perplexing almost all observers have found an authoritative refutation in 'former director of the Dap (Department of prison administration) Nicholas Amato. latter had been replaced at the helm of Dap June 4, 1993 by the magistrate Adalberto Capriotti, which was combined as a Deputy Francesco Di Maggio, magistrato di punta alla Procura di Milano per quasi tutti gli anni Ottanta, poi passato all’Alto commissariato antimafia a coadiuvare Domenico Sica e infine, dietro segnalazione governativa, finito a Vienna a dirigere l’agenzia antidroga delle Nazioni Unite, incarico lasciato per insediarsi al Dap. In un’intervista rilasciata a Rainews24, [6] Nicolò Amato ha rivelato il proprio fermo convincimento che la paternità del mancato rinnovo dei 41-bis del 5 novembre 1993 vada attribuita proprio a Francesco Di Maggio, che era il vero dominus del Dap, alle spalle del ruolo meramente formale assegnato a Capriotti. Amato nulla ha saputo (o voluto o potuto) say, however, on a document, drawn up by him in March 1993, in which it was requested the formal notice of the legislation on the prison term for the Mafia. [7] former head of the Dap That note made reference to guidelines already identified Feb. 12, 1993, the same day the settlement of Conso instead of hammers in Arenula, during a session of the National Committee order and public security: at that time - writes Amato - was the Chief of Police Vincenzo Parisi, historical mentor Bruno Contrada, to express opposition to the continuance of the detention provisions of art. 41-bis. In the minutes of that committee, however, that Paris has expressed this attitude is not, it would seem that it was the same Nicholas Amato to press for an easing of the 41-bis. It is a fact that May 15, 1993, the day after the failed attempt to Maurizio Costanzo Fauro being in Rome, the 41-bis prison regime was lifted for 140 detainees. Of these, only 17 had become collaborators of justice, and they were the same judges to seek relief in the treatment cell. For all others it was a choice of self-government. Measures for the lifting of a 41-was signed by the deputy director of the Dap Edward Fazioli.
was said Francesco Di Maggio. This is the most controversial character among the actors of the unbalanced institutional juncture, in which the Prime Minister Ciampi came to fear a coup late piduista brand. [8] controversial character, Maggie, especially for the undisputed stature of many of his admirers, among them one of the best exponents of judicial history in Milan: from Piercamillo Davigo to Armando Spataro to Ilda Boccassini. Not to mention a fact not to be overlooked: Francesco Di Maggio was one of the most intimate with the anti-mafia magistrates Giovanni Falcone.
Conso showed the November 11, 2010 to the astonished members of the Parliamentary Anti-Mafia Commission have taken on November 5, 1993 in isolation the decision to meet the needs of inmates mafia, to provide a signal provenzaniana peace wing of Cosa Nostra, which at that time had adopted a strategy opposite to that supported by stragista Leoluca Bagarella: "In 1993 the non rinnovai 41 a Palermo jail for 140 inmates and I avoided dell'Ucciardone other massacres ... The decision was not an offer of truce or to open negotiations, did not want to be seen in a perspective of peace, but to see to stop the threat of further massacres. After the bombings of May '93 in Florence, those of July '93 in Milan and Rome, Cosa Nostra was silent. What had changed? Toto 'Riina was arrested, his successor, Bernardo Provenzano was contrary to the policy of massacres, thought more 'business, to do business, so the mafia adopted' a new strategy, not stragista ". [3] As the icy lawyer Savoy had cognizance of the existence of two opposing tendencies within the Cosa Nostra, the fact that the investigators would have discovered long after the intuition of Conso, remains a mystery. Investigators in Palermo on negotiation between the IP owners 'pieces' of the state and 'pieces' dell'antiStato pointed out that in reality at that time did not renew Conso other 194 measures 41-bis prison regime, for a total of 334 prisoners which was not extended the prison term. [4]
Testifying February 15 before the judges of the Court of Assizes of Florence in the trial of crime boss Frank Tagliavia, Conso has even worsened his position untenable: "I of agreements (between pieces and parts of the state of the Mafia, note) does not indicate anything, because I was locked in my bunker. The idea of \u200b\u200ba neighborhood mafia offends me deeply. After a lifetime dedicated to the law, feel suspected of having dealt with ... but not even remotely, be patient! . He then added with incredibly cryptic tone: "I do not that there were mediators, but I certainly can not rule out that two officers, maybe one evening at dinner, you could have said 'let's make a bridge' . Words from the sen fled, those on the understanding "between two officials one evening at dinner " or a specific message? If the message appears it was the reference to men rather than political apparatus. But who could be the officials who met for dinner to "make a bridge ? Perhaps the words of Conso are more poisonous than it seems at first sight. Poisonous as the words of the queue in the deposition of the former minister: " We're not yet able to say anything for sure, maybe with time, slowly, piece by piece get to the truth. " As if there was an informal state secrets, to drop which takes time. [5]
Moreover, the claims of Conso on the non-extension of the measures of hard labor in early November of 1993, as well as perplexing almost all observers have found an authoritative refutation in 'former director of the Dap (Department of prison administration) Nicholas Amato. latter had been replaced at the helm of Dap June 4, 1993 by the magistrate Adalberto Capriotti, which was combined as a Deputy Francesco Di Maggio, magistrato di punta alla Procura di Milano per quasi tutti gli anni Ottanta, poi passato all’Alto commissariato antimafia a coadiuvare Domenico Sica e infine, dietro segnalazione governativa, finito a Vienna a dirigere l’agenzia antidroga delle Nazioni Unite, incarico lasciato per insediarsi al Dap. In un’intervista rilasciata a Rainews24, [6] Nicolò Amato ha rivelato il proprio fermo convincimento che la paternità del mancato rinnovo dei 41-bis del 5 novembre 1993 vada attribuita proprio a Francesco Di Maggio, che era il vero dominus del Dap, alle spalle del ruolo meramente formale assegnato a Capriotti. Amato nulla ha saputo (o voluto o potuto) say, however, on a document, drawn up by him in March 1993, in which it was requested the formal notice of the legislation on the prison term for the Mafia. [7] former head of the Dap That note made reference to guidelines already identified Feb. 12, 1993, the same day the settlement of Conso instead of hammers in Arenula, during a session of the National Committee order and public security: at that time - writes Amato - was the Chief of Police Vincenzo Parisi, historical mentor Bruno Contrada, to express opposition to the continuance of the detention provisions of art. 41-bis. In the minutes of that committee, however, that Paris has expressed this attitude is not, it would seem that it was the same Nicholas Amato to press for an easing of the 41-bis. It is a fact that May 15, 1993, the day after the failed attempt to Maurizio Costanzo Fauro being in Rome, the 41-bis prison regime was lifted for 140 detainees. Of these, only 17 had become collaborators of justice, and they were the same judges to seek relief in the treatment cell. For all others it was a choice of self-government. Measures for the lifting of a 41-was signed by the deputy director of the Dap Edward Fazioli.
was said Francesco Di Maggio. This is the most controversial character among the actors of the unbalanced institutional juncture, in which the Prime Minister Ciampi came to fear a coup late piduista brand. [8] controversial character, Maggie, especially for the undisputed stature of many of his admirers, among them one of the best exponents of judicial history in Milan: from Piercamillo Davigo to Armando Spataro to Ilda Boccassini. Not to mention a fact not to be overlooked: Francesco Di Maggio was one of the most intimate with the anti-mafia magistrates Giovanni Falcone.
surveys of the public prosecutor Gabriele Chelazzi on the massacres of '93
So what are the reasons which call for reflection on the possible role of Maggie in the negotiation? The first is unbeatable: just before his death, it was the late Gabriel prosecutor Chelazzi - undoubtedly the magistrate with greater wisdom and unquestioned rectitude tried to unravel the mysteries of state of negotiations - to put in the fire of his careful investigation of the actions of May as deputy chief of the DAP in 1993. When Chelazzi veered investigations on him, in fact, Maggie was already dead, struck down Oct. 7 1996 only 48 years for a serious form of hepatitis degenerated into liver cirrhosis. But to the suspicious Pm Florence, in addition to the formal role of Dap in May, had been found on the agenda of the then record an inexplicable Colonel Mario Mori, exactly on the page dedicated to the July 27, 1993. This is a tragic date for Italy: in the next night three cars filled with explosives (one in Milan near the Pavilion of Contemporary Art, one in Rome to San Giovanni in Laterano in Rome and one always in front of the church San Giorgio in Velabro) would have bloodied the city center of Milan and caused terror in the two famous religious buildings in the capital, in the name, curiously, to the same saint of the Presidents of both Houses of Parliament, John Spadolini and Giorgio Napolitano. Here, in this very date, the agenda of Mario Mori proved the officer noted an appointment with Frank Ros May, with a very strange reason: " for prob. Mafiosi held . Strange, indeed inexplicable, because it shows that among the fields of action of the ROS we had control of the prison treatment of the mafia. Chelazzi had to jump on the chair by surprise to read that note on the agenda of the Moors. Consider that the bombs exploded in Milan and Rome in the aftermath of the renewal, approved July 16, of 325 decrees imposed the 41-bis to as many mobsters, those launched immediately after the massacre in via D'Amelio in Palermo.
E Chelazzi had to make another leap when he discovered that of 22 October 1993 and May Mori had met again, this time in the presence of the then Colonel Giampaolo Ganzer, the current commander of the ROS, sentenced July 12, 2010 the Court of Milan to fourteen years imprisonment for serious charges, from drug trafficking. [9] Eye on the date, October 22, 1993: a few days later, on November 5, 1993, 334 inmates were seen extended the restrictive regime of 41-bis. Among these Conso decided not to renew imprisonment for 140 mafiosi imprisoned despite Ucciardone Capriotti had sought an opinion from the Prosecutor of Palermo and the latter had replied that it was inappropriate to change the prison system of the detainees in question, with a favorable opinion to the extension. The opinion in Palermo and bore the signature of the then Deputy Prosecutors Aliquò Vittorio and Luigi Croce.
outcome of these findings was that Gabriel Chelazzi decided to hear testimony, Mario Mori. The meeting between the judge and Florentine who became October 1, 2001, on the nomination of the second Berlusconi government, director of SISDE occurred in the afternoon 11 April 2003 and Chelazzi was not at all satisfied: for him, Mori had too many entrenched behind without excuse "I do not remember." And for this, as noted by the magistrate Alfonso Sabella, Chelazzi colleague at that time the prosecutor of Florence, the prosecutor investigating the negotiation was determined to include the former general of the ROS on the register of suspects: 'L' Gabriele hypothesis is that at that time there was an attempt by the state organs to give a signal of 'opening' of Cosa Nostra in order to prevent more bloodshed will continue. This signal of 'openness' was related to easing the 41-bis or at least to reduce the number of prisoners to the 41-bis. Gabriele Why was this hypothesis? Because - I do not remember in which agenda or somewhere - he had learned of a meeting between Mori and General Francis in May, then deputy chief of Dap, which seemed related to a note to the story of 41-bis. During the same period was also recorded the withdrawal of several decrees 41-bis. This was the hypothesis that Gabriel had. [10] ... Gabriele Mori enrolled under investigation for aiding and abetting in relation to each stage of the negotiations that would lead to the revocation of some 41-bis on the eve of the massacres in conjunction with the failed attack Olimpico (Olympic Stadium in Rome - 1993/gennaio October 1994, nda). The technical (and not just technical) to put Mario Mori for aiding and related to a specific question: would have done to help the Mafia ol'avrebbe done essentially to promote peace in the state? Gabriele rightly claimed to want to investigate this point by Mori and repeated: 'I come to say why he would do it or invoke the state secrets, and in this case is that a President of the Council to place the state secret'. " [11] Sabella had not surprised the suspects Chelazzi, if the ROS by Pm of the DDA in the years of the Prosecutor of Palermo Giancarlo Caselli, had done nothing positive for his idea on the research of the then fugitive Bernardo Provenzano, central theme of the process now pending against Palermo Mario Mori and Colonel Mauro Obinu: "We thought - Sabella as expressed in Palermo in the courts of the Fourth Criminal Chamber of the Court - that the Ros act in a different direction, to acquire not as a police force but for other reasons unknown to us .
If you read the minutes of the statements made Mori by prosecutors and Chelazzi Joseph Nicolosi you fully understand the feeling of disappointment that Sabella was the colleague. It gives, among other things, certain net impressions: first, the methodical and meticulous care with which Chelazzi - that during that verbal questions posed in the introduction to Mori, explains in detail the objective of these surveys - was rebuilt in point of fact the succession of every tiny event susseguitosi even in the years 1992-93, then the " good relationship" that exists between Mario Mori and Nicolo Amato, who ended his stay at the DAP and the activities undertaken lawyer, according to Massimo Ciancimino sarebbe stato nominato quale difensore da Vito Ciancimino su consiglio proprio di Mori; ancora, il sospetto che Mori in quell’incontro del 27 luglio 1993 avesse potuto riportare a Di Maggio le confidenze che il pentito Salvatore Cancemi, consegnatosi ai carabinieri il 22 luglio precedente con l’intenzione di iniziare da subito a collaborare con la giustizia, gli avesse potuto rivolgere circa il forte malumore serpeggiante in Cosa Nostra per le modalità applicative del 41-bis; i tentennamenti manifestati al riguardo da Mori, che ricordava come subito dopo la sua costituzione Cancemi fosse stato alloggiato a Verona sotto il controllo del maggiore Mauro Obinu e, del tutto inspiegabilmente, del maresciallo Giuseppe Scibilia, at that time in service to Ros Messina (Nicolosi and demand of the prosecutor, if it were just that Marshal Knowles serving in Messina, the apparent surprise of the judges as well), the ratio of great solidarity between Mori and Di May, who were "really friends" and that, beyond the two resulting records on the agenda of the General Mori, met often for dinner (sic) the good relationship between attendance and the then director of the Mori Giornale di Sicilia John Pepi, who had received public praise from none other than Toto Riina externalized in the cage before the Court of Assizes in Rome April 29, 1993: "Pepi is a serious person who knows what he writes and what he says" [12] the first visit by a journalist, Liana Milella (then Panorama ), managed to do August 10, 1993 at supercarcere Pianosa for a scoop that provoked the ire of the Prefect of Livorno, kept in the dark of the sortie which took place under the cover of May, and shortly after a meeting on 30 July of that year, Milella had with Mario Mori.
Of all the names and themes that emerged from that long report, here is the caso di soffermarsi su quello meno conosciuto, il maresciallo Giuseppe Scibilia. Sì, perché non si riesce a capire a quale titolo a un sottufficiale del Ros di Messina fosse stata assegnata la responsabilità di gestire l’avvio della collaborazione con la giustizia di Salvatore Cancemi nel luglio 1993. Peraltro, ciò avveniva pochissimo tempo dopo un eclatante ed inescusabile passo falso che il Ros di Messina, guidato per l’appunto da Scibilia, aveva fatto con l’omessa cattura nel barcellonese del boss allora latitante Nitto Santapaola: il capomafia catanese frequentava stabilmente dei locali nei quali erano attive intercettazioni ambientali gestite dal Ros di Messina nell’ambito dell’indagine sull’omicidio journalist Beppe Alfano; instead of going quietly to handcuff Santapaola, the Ros had made the team captain's last act, rather than catch the fugitive who had given chase to a nineteen year old in the area, which was not killed by a blow esplosegli pistol behind by Sergio De Caprio. It came out even criminal proceedings against Ultimo, filed a shameful enough motivation for the officer. If Knowles had received from his ministry delicate and alien to the functions covered in that time, this was due to the old relationship of trust that bound the officer to General Antonio Subranni, in the second half of the year Seventy had been serving in Palermo and had his orders, the young sergeant Joseph Scibilia. In those years Scibilia, together with other subordinated Subranni, was involved in investigations into the killing of two police station Alcamo Marittima, Carmine and Salvatore Apuzzo Falcetta . [13] In a process of ongoing review in the Court of Appeal in Reggio Calabria, has shown a strong suspicion that Knowles and others were guilty of torture to coerce some young people in the province of Trapani confess to being responsible dell'eccidio. [14] This resulted in a procedure against Knowles and three non-commissioned officers at the Public Prosecutor in Trapani, and another for libel, filed for prescription of offenses. [15] background of torture, false leads in the investigation of the double murder, behind which he suspected the presence of black frames and institutional corruption. In the nineties, however, Knowles was on duty in Messina. Yet, it was used by the top of the ROS as a trusted globe-trotter for cases of particular delicacy. Which he did well in the events that enveloped the suicide of Marshall (also of the ROS) Antonino Lombardo. the evening of 23 February 1995 during the program "Real Time" hosted by Michele Santoro , Leoluca Orlando and Manlio Mele (then mayor of Terrasini) had turned to the sergeant Lombardo allegations of mafia contiguity. Lombardo at the time had long been involved in travel to the United States, where he went with Major Obinu to conduct investigative interviews with the boss Gaetano Badalamenti . It was said that Badalamenti was about to be persuaded to return to Italy to make statements in which the judiciary would have undermined the process based on the revelations of Tommaso Buscetta: extravagant collaborative project with the justice system in favor of defendants excellent. The exposure occurred Lombardo led the media to the top of Ros to revoke the charge for a departure already scheduled for February 26. Vistosi abandoned and in danger, Lombardo took his own life March 4, 1995, leaving his family a letter in which he explained that "the key to my discredit is in travel Americans." On March 16 1995 Mario Mori was heard from prosecutors in Palermo on the suicide of Sergeant Lombardo and expressed in these terms about the cancellation of a Lombardo for the new American trip: "On 24 having heard that the sergeant would have complained against people who had accused him, discussed the matter with the greatest Obinu. These signals expose the inappropriateness of the sergeant at that time any further controversy, which could result from the dissemination of news of his mission to bring Badalamenti in Italy and taken note of these comments, I spoke with General Nunzella (then commander of the ROS, nda ) and stable set to send the U.S. Marshal Knowles, instead of Lombardo. " [16] So, in those years, and in those to come, Marshal Joseph Knowles was one of the most trusted ambassadors of the top men of the ROS.
Officers Ros, and Mario Mori for the first, as representatives of the State moved for reasons apparently unrelated to their official duties: This, then, was the current investigation by the prosecutor Chelazzi grown in the last days of life. The unfortunate magistrate of Florence, however, on the morning of April 17, 2003 he was seized with a sudden illness that caused the death.
E Chelazzi had to make another leap when he discovered that of 22 October 1993 and May Mori had met again, this time in the presence of the then Colonel Giampaolo Ganzer, the current commander of the ROS, sentenced July 12, 2010 the Court of Milan to fourteen years imprisonment for serious charges, from drug trafficking. [9] Eye on the date, October 22, 1993: a few days later, on November 5, 1993, 334 inmates were seen extended the restrictive regime of 41-bis. Among these Conso decided not to renew imprisonment for 140 mafiosi imprisoned despite Ucciardone Capriotti had sought an opinion from the Prosecutor of Palermo and the latter had replied that it was inappropriate to change the prison system of the detainees in question, with a favorable opinion to the extension. The opinion in Palermo and bore the signature of the then Deputy Prosecutors Aliquò Vittorio and Luigi Croce.
outcome of these findings was that Gabriel Chelazzi decided to hear testimony, Mario Mori. The meeting between the judge and Florentine who became October 1, 2001, on the nomination of the second Berlusconi government, director of SISDE occurred in the afternoon 11 April 2003 and Chelazzi was not at all satisfied: for him, Mori had too many entrenched behind without excuse "I do not remember." And for this, as noted by the magistrate Alfonso Sabella, Chelazzi colleague at that time the prosecutor of Florence, the prosecutor investigating the negotiation was determined to include the former general of the ROS on the register of suspects: 'L' Gabriele hypothesis is that at that time there was an attempt by the state organs to give a signal of 'opening' of Cosa Nostra in order to prevent more bloodshed will continue. This signal of 'openness' was related to easing the 41-bis or at least to reduce the number of prisoners to the 41-bis. Gabriele Why was this hypothesis? Because - I do not remember in which agenda or somewhere - he had learned of a meeting between Mori and General Francis in May, then deputy chief of Dap, which seemed related to a note to the story of 41-bis. During the same period was also recorded the withdrawal of several decrees 41-bis. This was the hypothesis that Gabriel had. [10] ... Gabriele Mori enrolled under investigation for aiding and abetting in relation to each stage of the negotiations that would lead to the revocation of some 41-bis on the eve of the massacres in conjunction with the failed attack Olimpico (Olympic Stadium in Rome - 1993/gennaio October 1994, nda). The technical (and not just technical) to put Mario Mori for aiding and related to a specific question: would have done to help the Mafia ol'avrebbe done essentially to promote peace in the state? Gabriele rightly claimed to want to investigate this point by Mori and repeated: 'I come to say why he would do it or invoke the state secrets, and in this case is that a President of the Council to place the state secret'. " [11] Sabella had not surprised the suspects Chelazzi, if the ROS by Pm of the DDA in the years of the Prosecutor of Palermo Giancarlo Caselli, had done nothing positive for his idea on the research of the then fugitive Bernardo Provenzano, central theme of the process now pending against Palermo Mario Mori and Colonel Mauro Obinu: "We thought - Sabella as expressed in Palermo in the courts of the Fourth Criminal Chamber of the Court - that the Ros act in a different direction, to acquire not as a police force but for other reasons unknown to us .
If you read the minutes of the statements made Mori by prosecutors and Chelazzi Joseph Nicolosi you fully understand the feeling of disappointment that Sabella was the colleague. It gives, among other things, certain net impressions: first, the methodical and meticulous care with which Chelazzi - that during that verbal questions posed in the introduction to Mori, explains in detail the objective of these surveys - was rebuilt in point of fact the succession of every tiny event susseguitosi even in the years 1992-93, then the " good relationship" that exists between Mario Mori and Nicolo Amato, who ended his stay at the DAP and the activities undertaken lawyer, according to Massimo Ciancimino sarebbe stato nominato quale difensore da Vito Ciancimino su consiglio proprio di Mori; ancora, il sospetto che Mori in quell’incontro del 27 luglio 1993 avesse potuto riportare a Di Maggio le confidenze che il pentito Salvatore Cancemi, consegnatosi ai carabinieri il 22 luglio precedente con l’intenzione di iniziare da subito a collaborare con la giustizia, gli avesse potuto rivolgere circa il forte malumore serpeggiante in Cosa Nostra per le modalità applicative del 41-bis; i tentennamenti manifestati al riguardo da Mori, che ricordava come subito dopo la sua costituzione Cancemi fosse stato alloggiato a Verona sotto il controllo del maggiore Mauro Obinu e, del tutto inspiegabilmente, del maresciallo Giuseppe Scibilia, at that time in service to Ros Messina (Nicolosi and demand of the prosecutor, if it were just that Marshal Knowles serving in Messina, the apparent surprise of the judges as well), the ratio of great solidarity between Mori and Di May, who were "really friends" and that, beyond the two resulting records on the agenda of the General Mori, met often for dinner (sic) the good relationship between attendance and the then director of the Mori Giornale di Sicilia John Pepi, who had received public praise from none other than Toto Riina externalized in the cage before the Court of Assizes in Rome April 29, 1993: "Pepi is a serious person who knows what he writes and what he says" [12] the first visit by a journalist, Liana Milella (then Panorama ), managed to do August 10, 1993 at supercarcere Pianosa for a scoop that provoked the ire of the Prefect of Livorno, kept in the dark of the sortie which took place under the cover of May, and shortly after a meeting on 30 July of that year, Milella had with Mario Mori.
Of all the names and themes that emerged from that long report, here is the caso di soffermarsi su quello meno conosciuto, il maresciallo Giuseppe Scibilia. Sì, perché non si riesce a capire a quale titolo a un sottufficiale del Ros di Messina fosse stata assegnata la responsabilità di gestire l’avvio della collaborazione con la giustizia di Salvatore Cancemi nel luglio 1993. Peraltro, ciò avveniva pochissimo tempo dopo un eclatante ed inescusabile passo falso che il Ros di Messina, guidato per l’appunto da Scibilia, aveva fatto con l’omessa cattura nel barcellonese del boss allora latitante Nitto Santapaola: il capomafia catanese frequentava stabilmente dei locali nei quali erano attive intercettazioni ambientali gestite dal Ros di Messina nell’ambito dell’indagine sull’omicidio journalist Beppe Alfano; instead of going quietly to handcuff Santapaola, the Ros had made the team captain's last act, rather than catch the fugitive who had given chase to a nineteen year old in the area, which was not killed by a blow esplosegli pistol behind by Sergio De Caprio. It came out even criminal proceedings against Ultimo, filed a shameful enough motivation for the officer. If Knowles had received from his ministry delicate and alien to the functions covered in that time, this was due to the old relationship of trust that bound the officer to General Antonio Subranni, in the second half of the year Seventy had been serving in Palermo and had his orders, the young sergeant Joseph Scibilia. In those years Scibilia, together with other subordinated Subranni, was involved in investigations into the killing of two police station Alcamo Marittima, Carmine and Salvatore Apuzzo Falcetta . [13] In a process of ongoing review in the Court of Appeal in Reggio Calabria, has shown a strong suspicion that Knowles and others were guilty of torture to coerce some young people in the province of Trapani confess to being responsible dell'eccidio. [14] This resulted in a procedure against Knowles and three non-commissioned officers at the Public Prosecutor in Trapani, and another for libel, filed for prescription of offenses. [15] background of torture, false leads in the investigation of the double murder, behind which he suspected the presence of black frames and institutional corruption. In the nineties, however, Knowles was on duty in Messina. Yet, it was used by the top of the ROS as a trusted globe-trotter for cases of particular delicacy. Which he did well in the events that enveloped the suicide of Marshall (also of the ROS) Antonino Lombardo. the evening of 23 February 1995 during the program "Real Time" hosted by Michele Santoro , Leoluca Orlando and Manlio Mele (then mayor of Terrasini) had turned to the sergeant Lombardo allegations of mafia contiguity. Lombardo at the time had long been involved in travel to the United States, where he went with Major Obinu to conduct investigative interviews with the boss Gaetano Badalamenti . It was said that Badalamenti was about to be persuaded to return to Italy to make statements in which the judiciary would have undermined the process based on the revelations of Tommaso Buscetta: extravagant collaborative project with the justice system in favor of defendants excellent. The exposure occurred Lombardo led the media to the top of Ros to revoke the charge for a departure already scheduled for February 26. Vistosi abandoned and in danger, Lombardo took his own life March 4, 1995, leaving his family a letter in which he explained that "the key to my discredit is in travel Americans." On March 16 1995 Mario Mori was heard from prosecutors in Palermo on the suicide of Sergeant Lombardo and expressed in these terms about the cancellation of a Lombardo for the new American trip: "On 24 having heard that the sergeant would have complained against people who had accused him, discussed the matter with the greatest Obinu. These signals expose the inappropriateness of the sergeant at that time any further controversy, which could result from the dissemination of news of his mission to bring Badalamenti in Italy and taken note of these comments, I spoke with General Nunzella (then commander of the ROS, nda ) and stable set to send the U.S. Marshal Knowles, instead of Lombardo. " [16] So, in those years, and in those to come, Marshal Joseph Knowles was one of the most trusted ambassadors of the top men of the ROS.
Officers Ros, and Mario Mori for the first, as representatives of the State moved for reasons apparently unrelated to their official duties: This, then, was the current investigation by the prosecutor Chelazzi grown in the last days of life. The unfortunate magistrate of Florence, however, on the morning of April 17, 2003 he was seized with a sudden illness that caused the death.
uncomfortable legacy of Gabriel Chelazzi
A follow up investigation that address were his colleagues in the DDA in Florence, a few weeks after the unexpected death of Chelazzi gathered feedback on abnormal contacts Francesco Di Maggio, Mario Mori.
He spoke in June 2008 the combative monthly survey The Voice of Voices , within Article signed by Cinquini and Andrea Rita Pennarola entitled "The infiltrator special" dedicated to " Intelligence and pollution of the institutions ". [17] The authors reported excerpts of a report suffered May 13, 2003 statements to prosecutors Florentine Alessandro Horsehair and Joseph Nicolosi by the inspector of the Dap Cristella Nicola, faithful collaborator in Di Maggio warm months of 1993. So he told Cristella: "How frequent the May Council had at that time in relation to its institutional role, I recall that he attended the largest Bonaventure SISDE, the current commander General Ros Ganzer, Police Colonel Ragosa prison which were close friends. The usual association with Bonaventure was accompanied by the presence of another person with whom they often saw all three at dinner, most evenings, this person was the appointment in motor and if I remember correctly this is a civilian to 'age also in the secret services ... Another person with whom the director had some attendance was a reporter for the Christian Family Sasinini ". The minutes of the inspector Cristella concluded with a clarification: "When rereading Cristella Inspector states that the person named above as usual diner May Council and the Major Mori Bonaventure was Colonel of the ROS. The inspector stated that at this point is a bit 'more uncertain about whether the two people, that is whether or Bonaventure Mori, was the appointment in scooter. "
So the relationship between Maggie and Mori were more often single record of the agenda of the General Ros. But what is most significant is the full range of personal relationships praticate dal vicecapo del Dap: oltre agli ufficiali del Ros Mori e Ganzer, un altro ufficiale dell’Arma come Umberto Bonaventura che in quel momento era un dirigente del Sismi, il giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini oggi imputato nel processo per gli spionaggi Telecom che ha coinvolto anche Luciano Tavaroli e Marco Mancini (lo scandalo sullo spionaggio Telecom scoppiò nel settembre 2006 [18] ), e infine l’ufficiale della Polizia penitenziaria e oggi dirigente del Dap Enrico Ragosa. Certo, persone molto diverse fra loro ma tutte a modo loro significative.
Per Umberto Bonaventura si potrebbe ripetere quanto detto per Di May: son of the station chief of Sifar in Palermo in the late sixties and early seventies, Bonaventure was certainly, from the late seventies, one of the young officers loyal to Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, was Head of Counter Terrorism Unit and then the anti-crime section in Milan, then passed, in the wake of a May, the High Commissioner for anti-mafia then, in the nineties, enter the Earthquakes, where he remained until his sudden death, which occurred in 2002. Among his subordinates at Milan there were two young noncommissioned officers to become famous: its Tavaroli Luciano and Marco Mancini, involved in the scandal along with the journalist William Sasinini Telecom.
The William Sasinini which, in addition to being recognized in the Milan trial for espionage in Telecom, was a journalist who is often interested in stories of the Mafia. Even today Vincenzo Calcara Castelvetrano the regret that he began to collaborate with Paolo Borsellino in 1991, remembers a bit 'dazed interview that Sasinini behind accreditation of the High Commissioner antimafia him after the massacre of D 'Amelio, and which was published by Famiglia Cristiana August 5, 1992. The most shocking
journalistic work on issues of mafia, however, the former deputy editor of Famiglia Cristiana He wrote it when he was involved in legal troubles that the job of a reporter. Appeared in the columns of Free April 3, 2008 and entitled "The State seriously degrades those who fight against the Mafia " [19] and it was a heartfelt defense of Ros Mori. But above all contained a shocking revelation that he would never find denial. Sasinini, in fact, claimed to have shared with Mori and with the then captain Sergio De Caprio (better known by his stage name Last) days preceding the arrest of Riina. All in black and white and hidden from the general distraction as inexplicable (except the aforementioned Cinquegrani e Pennarola e lo scrittore Alfio Caruso, nel suo “Milano ordina uccidete Borsellino”, ed. Longanesi): “ Dopo mesi di lavoro puro gli ‘indiani’ scovarono e catturarono il capo dei macellai corleonesi: Totò Riina. Io conoscevo bene quel gruppo di guerrieri e condivisi molte giornate con loro e soprattutto con Mario Mori, in particolare l’estenuante attesa della vigilia quando ‘il pacco’ stava per essere consegnato. Poi tutta l’Italia si emozionò per la più famosa delle catture ”. Certo, la cattura di Riina raccontata come un “pacco” che viene consegnato sembra la ricopiatura della tesi, ritenuta infamante dal Ros ma ritenuta molto più che verosimile da molti osservatori e da molti investigatori, secondo cui Riina fu consegnato nelle mani del Ros, per iniziativa di Bernardo Provenzano. Solo che stavolta a sostenere questa teoria fu non un avversatore del Ros ma una persona strettamente legata agli esponenti di vertice dell’organismo d’investigazione d’eccellenza dell’Arma dei carabinieri. Senza trascurare la domanda più banale: ma che ci azzeccava il giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini con Mori e De Caprio in attesa della cattura di Riina?
Dalle parole di Cristella emerge un altro nome della cerchia ristretta dei fedelissimi di Di Maggio, il “ colonnello Ragosa della Polizia penitenziaria ”. Si tratta di Enrico Ragosa (ancora oggi dirigente del Dap), che nel 1986 era stato impegnato al carcere palermitano dell’Ucciardone, per il maxiprocesso celebratosi nell’aula bunker, e che nel 1997 per due anni sarebbe transitato al Sisde. Giusto il 6 luglio 1993 (sotto la gestione Capriotti-Di Maggio) Ragosa era stato nominato responsabile del Servizio di coordinamento operativo (dedito specificamente ai detenuti di mafia) del Dap. E certo non dovette essere un caso se il 4 dicembre 1996 su Famiglia Cristiana comparve un’intervista esclusiva del generale Ragosa al giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini. [20] In premessa alle risposte di Ragosa, l’intervistatore segnalava, con invidiabile arguzia, che “ bombs in Rome, Florence, Milan were intended to induce political power to eliminate the 41-bis regime '. But then convinced thundered: " but this did not happen." And the 334 Withdrawals of November 5, 1993? Distractions of a journalist. Who continued by noting that " behind his desk, General Ragosa keeps prominently displayed the photographs of Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, Giovanni Falcone, Francesco Di Maggio who directed (sic) the Department of Prison ".
He spoke in June 2008 the combative monthly survey The Voice of Voices , within Article signed by Cinquini and Andrea Rita Pennarola entitled "The infiltrator special" dedicated to " Intelligence and pollution of the institutions ". [17] The authors reported excerpts of a report suffered May 13, 2003 statements to prosecutors Florentine Alessandro Horsehair and Joseph Nicolosi by the inspector of the Dap Cristella Nicola, faithful collaborator in Di Maggio warm months of 1993. So he told Cristella: "How frequent the May Council had at that time in relation to its institutional role, I recall that he attended the largest Bonaventure SISDE, the current commander General Ros Ganzer, Police Colonel Ragosa prison which were close friends. The usual association with Bonaventure was accompanied by the presence of another person with whom they often saw all three at dinner, most evenings, this person was the appointment in motor and if I remember correctly this is a civilian to 'age also in the secret services ... Another person with whom the director had some attendance was a reporter for the Christian Family Sasinini ". The minutes of the inspector Cristella concluded with a clarification: "When rereading Cristella Inspector states that the person named above as usual diner May Council and the Major Mori Bonaventure was Colonel of the ROS. The inspector stated that at this point is a bit 'more uncertain about whether the two people, that is whether or Bonaventure Mori, was the appointment in scooter. "
So the relationship between Maggie and Mori were more often single record of the agenda of the General Ros. But what is most significant is the full range of personal relationships praticate dal vicecapo del Dap: oltre agli ufficiali del Ros Mori e Ganzer, un altro ufficiale dell’Arma come Umberto Bonaventura che in quel momento era un dirigente del Sismi, il giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini oggi imputato nel processo per gli spionaggi Telecom che ha coinvolto anche Luciano Tavaroli e Marco Mancini (lo scandalo sullo spionaggio Telecom scoppiò nel settembre 2006 [18] ), e infine l’ufficiale della Polizia penitenziaria e oggi dirigente del Dap Enrico Ragosa. Certo, persone molto diverse fra loro ma tutte a modo loro significative.
Per Umberto Bonaventura si potrebbe ripetere quanto detto per Di May: son of the station chief of Sifar in Palermo in the late sixties and early seventies, Bonaventure was certainly, from the late seventies, one of the young officers loyal to Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, was Head of Counter Terrorism Unit and then the anti-crime section in Milan, then passed, in the wake of a May, the High Commissioner for anti-mafia then, in the nineties, enter the Earthquakes, where he remained until his sudden death, which occurred in 2002. Among his subordinates at Milan there were two young noncommissioned officers to become famous: its Tavaroli Luciano and Marco Mancini, involved in the scandal along with the journalist William Sasinini Telecom.
The William Sasinini which, in addition to being recognized in the Milan trial for espionage in Telecom, was a journalist who is often interested in stories of the Mafia. Even today Vincenzo Calcara Castelvetrano the regret that he began to collaborate with Paolo Borsellino in 1991, remembers a bit 'dazed interview that Sasinini behind accreditation of the High Commissioner antimafia him after the massacre of D 'Amelio, and which was published by Famiglia Cristiana August 5, 1992. The most shocking
journalistic work on issues of mafia, however, the former deputy editor of Famiglia Cristiana He wrote it when he was involved in legal troubles that the job of a reporter. Appeared in the columns of Free April 3, 2008 and entitled "The State seriously degrades those who fight against the Mafia " [19] and it was a heartfelt defense of Ros Mori. But above all contained a shocking revelation that he would never find denial. Sasinini, in fact, claimed to have shared with Mori and with the then captain Sergio De Caprio (better known by his stage name Last) days preceding the arrest of Riina. All in black and white and hidden from the general distraction as inexplicable (except the aforementioned Cinquegrani e Pennarola e lo scrittore Alfio Caruso, nel suo “Milano ordina uccidete Borsellino”, ed. Longanesi): “ Dopo mesi di lavoro puro gli ‘indiani’ scovarono e catturarono il capo dei macellai corleonesi: Totò Riina. Io conoscevo bene quel gruppo di guerrieri e condivisi molte giornate con loro e soprattutto con Mario Mori, in particolare l’estenuante attesa della vigilia quando ‘il pacco’ stava per essere consegnato. Poi tutta l’Italia si emozionò per la più famosa delle catture ”. Certo, la cattura di Riina raccontata come un “pacco” che viene consegnato sembra la ricopiatura della tesi, ritenuta infamante dal Ros ma ritenuta molto più che verosimile da molti osservatori e da molti investigatori, secondo cui Riina fu consegnato nelle mani del Ros, per iniziativa di Bernardo Provenzano. Solo che stavolta a sostenere questa teoria fu non un avversatore del Ros ma una persona strettamente legata agli esponenti di vertice dell’organismo d’investigazione d’eccellenza dell’Arma dei carabinieri. Senza trascurare la domanda più banale: ma che ci azzeccava il giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini con Mori e De Caprio in attesa della cattura di Riina?
Dalle parole di Cristella emerge un altro nome della cerchia ristretta dei fedelissimi di Di Maggio, il “ colonnello Ragosa della Polizia penitenziaria ”. Si tratta di Enrico Ragosa (ancora oggi dirigente del Dap), che nel 1986 era stato impegnato al carcere palermitano dell’Ucciardone, per il maxiprocesso celebratosi nell’aula bunker, e che nel 1997 per due anni sarebbe transitato al Sisde. Giusto il 6 luglio 1993 (sotto la gestione Capriotti-Di Maggio) Ragosa era stato nominato responsabile del Servizio di coordinamento operativo (dedito specificamente ai detenuti di mafia) del Dap. E certo non dovette essere un caso se il 4 dicembre 1996 su Famiglia Cristiana comparve un’intervista esclusiva del generale Ragosa al giornalista Guglielmo Sasinini. [20] In premessa alle risposte di Ragosa, l’intervistatore segnalava, con invidiabile arguzia, che “ bombs in Rome, Florence, Milan were intended to induce political power to eliminate the 41-bis regime '. But then convinced thundered: " but this did not happen." And the 334 Withdrawals of November 5, 1993? Distractions of a journalist. Who continued by noting that " behind his desk, General Ragosa keeps prominently displayed the photographs of Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, Giovanni Falcone, Francesco Di Maggio who directed (sic) the Department of Prison ".
Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto, a crucial relationship Mafia-power
We return, therefore, by Di Maggio and those suspected Chelazzi who was trying to verify hypotheses to be procedural. We do not know if Chelazzi, in those days, had read (or reread) a statement of the old Gico Guardia di Finanza of Florence, passed April 3, 1996 (No. 109/UG of prot.) prosecutors La Spezia at that time were investigating arms trafficking in the shade of a possible new P2, in an investigation that would lead to prison Sept. 16, 1996, among others, Pierfrancesco Pacini Battaglia, Lorenzo Necci. [21] that information on 3 April 1996, however, was devoted to another character, Rosario Pio Cattafi, born in Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto January 6, 1952. This is the same person who was investigated in the nineties (and then archived) is famous in the investigation "criminal system" of the DDA in Palermo and Caltanissetta on the murder investigation of occult massacres of Capaci and via D'Amelio.
Chronicle judicial Messina years Seventy witnesses that had been Cattafi comrade, University of Messina, nothing less than Peter Rampulla, artifice of Capaci massacre. Cattafi later was also the mentor, as well as the best man, the boss Giuseppe Gullotti Barcelona. That same Gullotti, according Giovanni Brusca, at the request of Rampulla, had personally delivered to the remote stragista Capaci used just by Brusca May 23, 1992.
Well, if Chelazzi recently read that information had rolled his eyes. Because there was an interception that was just reported Cattafi to speak of their relationship with Maggie.
At this point, however, it is better to take a step back. Cattafi, after the turbulent years of neo-fascist militancy at the University of Messina, which had yielded two convictions (one for the funny hail with a Sten submachine gun inside the student house, the other, along with Peter Rampulla for the attack on a group of students suspected of leftist sympathies), had moved from the end of 1973 in Milan where he had planted in the pharmaceutical business. But it was over, even in the shadow of the Madonna, in legal problems. On one occasion, was also arrested in investigation per il sequestro dell’industriale Giuseppe Agrati, che nel gennaio 1975 aveva fruttato ai rapitori il riscatto di addirittura due miliardi e mezzo di lire. Le prove sembravano solide, c’era perfino una testimone oculare che aveva visto Cattafi ed un complice, con le borse piene dei soldi del riscatto, partire per la Svizzera. Sennonché, su richiesta proprio del pubblico ministero Francesco Di Maggio, Cattafi era stato prosciolto in istruttoria con una sentenza emessa nel 1986 dal giudice istruttore milanese Paolo Arbasino.
Cattafi, però, era rimasto coinvolto anche nelle rivelazioni che il pentito milanese (di origine catanese) Angelo Epaminonda, called "the Theban" had made the right dr. May, starting in November 1984. Epaminondas Cattafi accused of being the emissary of Catania boss Nitto Santapaola business of casinos and be one of the most important men of the Mafia association took office nell'autoparco Solomon Street in Milan. A story to be taken with tongs sull'autoparco the investigation of the Mafia, because he had been unsuccessful in Milan since 1984, when she was pulled out in 1992 by the prosecutor of Florence he was born a violent polemic, exploited by those who had tried to wield in defense of tangents to the regime, as a weapon against the "Clean Hands" pool of Milan. Di quell’inchiesta, nel 1984 a Milano, era stato titolare per l’appunto Francesco Di Maggio, che da un lato aveva raccolto le dichiarazioni di Epaminonda sui mafiosi dell’autoparco e dall’altro aveva ricevuto le informative dei carabinieri sulla stessa vicenda. Ma nulla ne era sortito. Non solo: nel maxiprocesso derivato dalle confessioni di Epaminonda fra gli imputati non era comparso Rosario Cattafi (per lui le accuse di Epaminonda erano state stralciate e inserite nel fascicolo per il sequestro Agrati). Anzi, nel “processo Epaminonda” il P.m. Di Maggio aveva fatto svolgere a Cattafi il ruolo di testimone dell’accusa.
Francesco Di Maggio – non lo avevamo ancora detto – grew up in Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto, son of a Carabinieri officer who served there. Only after the Baccalaureate had moved in Brianza, a province of Desio, where, before entering the judiciary, had had time to devote to politics as a councilor.
Back to the interception of Cattafi written in this form of Gico of Florence. On the night of September 16, 1992 Gico investigators, with an environmentalist placed in the offices of dell'Autoparco way Solomon had intercepted a long conversation between Rosario Cattafi, Ambrose ASC and Vincent Caccamo. speech at one point had gone on repentant Angelo Epaminondas, In May he had revealed to a meeting Cattafi had asked, on behalf of Nitto Santapola to enter the company at the casino in Saint Vincent.
The text reads: " Cattafi: 'I do not know (Angelo Epaminondas, nda) ... and cursed the moment I knew ... because I was ... I was arrested in Switzerland ... I came in Italy, I go down and ask for clarification in Italy arrest warrant ... eh ... I could go out after three months ... at one point ... no time to do investigations and interrogations has repented I'm fucking ... in stock ... uh ... let's say Dr. MAY PM ... do not you know I went to school ... '. GROWING: '... inc. ... IN MAY was a lawyer failed to Monza ... inc. ... IN MAY Caruso was a ... a ... inc. ... Failed ... '. Cattafi: 'This was the son of a policeman in my country (incomp.) says ... ... this sends you as a teller of this international mafia ... ... inc. ... Ehh ... he MAY ... inc. ... Says not a member ... it's not a saying but ... eh ... MAY ... but we hear there was me with - inc. - At this point ... that said we know that for me Santapaola is a man of ... eh ... approached ... ' .
Anyone can get an idea: the more adhesive to the tenor of the words is that Cattafi admit that they have actually met Epaminondas, who then had repented with a PM, Di Maggio, who was tied Cattafi reports dating from ancient times to the Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto school, and not appear to be any doubt that Cattafi report the reaction of surprise that Maggie had to address when the repentant Epaminondas had tied Cattafi the name of the mafia boss and in particular to Santapaola. It is certain that among the revelations of Epaminondas and quell'intercettazione, Cattafi Di Maggio by force of what had been in contact, if only for the fact that the prosecutor had called as a prosecution witness Cattafi for the position of the accused Salvatore Cuscunà process born from the collaboration of Epaminondas. It is therefore quite well founded suspicion that in that conversation intercepted Cattafi repeated a speech made to him personally by his old friend Francesco Di Maggio.
Here, then, as in this incredible game of mirrors that seem to make setting for the negotiation of changing from May to a high degree of character as a criminal Cattafi, which in the decree issued by the Tribunal of Messina which in July 2000 was imposed on the prevention of a special watch with a resident was suspected of being a sort of trait d'union between the Mafia Barcelona, \u200b\u200bCatania mafia and intelligence services.
And so you enter the game's great political subversive project he did, at least in part, is driving the mafia massacres. In this context it is important, then, that two collaborators of justice in Sicily (one of Catania, Maurizio Avola, and a Messina, Luigi Sparacio ) have repeatedly stated that Rosario Cattafi in the early nineties would have participated in some summit, held in the province of Messina, prodromal to the massacres of 1992, the presence, between emissaries of the Mafia and equipment diverted, even Marcello Dell'Utri. These statements have not found here, but even denied.
of that meeting could come back to talk to in the review process that is shaping up for the massacre in via D'Amelio. [22] In fact short of the DDA will ask the Attorney General's Office of Caltanissetta Caltanissetta, the final results of investigations undertaken with the collaboration of Gaspare Spatuzza, which have wiped out the false leads of State who had accompanied the "repentance" of Vincenzo Scarantino and some of the processes that were celebrated in Caltanissetta, the Court of Cassation and Catania. According to the rules of jurisdiction to review processes, as well, to deal with the revision of the massacre on 19 July 1992 will be the Attorney General of Messina, led by magistrate Antonio Franco Barcelona Cassata.
also of him and his links with Cattafi spoken of in the statement of Gico of Florence. At the time of his arrest were found Cattafi agenda of all the telephone numbers of judges, including that of home. Who knows why he kept them on the agenda. It is also reminded of the militancy of Cattafi in a very particular cultural club Barcelona whose name says enough: Corda Fratres (hearts brothers). He was a member, when organizing the murder of the journalist Beppe Alfano or when - according to the account of Brusca - Obtain the remote for the Capaci massacre, even the boss Gullotti. The dominus of the circle was cultural and it is the magistrate, Antonio Franco Cassata, which acts to reach the review process via D'Amelio.
On the walls of the place of Corda Fratres, located in the central square of Barcelona PG, stand out even the old posters showing the participation of a conference held in May in which they were insured by the club and Jose Rosario Cattafi Gullotti.
negotiation and what ensued as a persecution of fate: a dark past that will not pass.
Repici Fabio and Marco Bertelli (February 16, 2011)
Chronicle judicial Messina years Seventy witnesses that had been Cattafi comrade, University of Messina, nothing less than Peter Rampulla, artifice of Capaci massacre. Cattafi later was also the mentor, as well as the best man, the boss Giuseppe Gullotti Barcelona. That same Gullotti, according Giovanni Brusca, at the request of Rampulla, had personally delivered to the remote stragista Capaci used just by Brusca May 23, 1992.
Well, if Chelazzi recently read that information had rolled his eyes. Because there was an interception that was just reported Cattafi to speak of their relationship with Maggie.
At this point, however, it is better to take a step back. Cattafi, after the turbulent years of neo-fascist militancy at the University of Messina, which had yielded two convictions (one for the funny hail with a Sten submachine gun inside the student house, the other, along with Peter Rampulla for the attack on a group of students suspected of leftist sympathies), had moved from the end of 1973 in Milan where he had planted in the pharmaceutical business. But it was over, even in the shadow of the Madonna, in legal problems. On one occasion, was also arrested in investigation per il sequestro dell’industriale Giuseppe Agrati, che nel gennaio 1975 aveva fruttato ai rapitori il riscatto di addirittura due miliardi e mezzo di lire. Le prove sembravano solide, c’era perfino una testimone oculare che aveva visto Cattafi ed un complice, con le borse piene dei soldi del riscatto, partire per la Svizzera. Sennonché, su richiesta proprio del pubblico ministero Francesco Di Maggio, Cattafi era stato prosciolto in istruttoria con una sentenza emessa nel 1986 dal giudice istruttore milanese Paolo Arbasino.
Cattafi, però, era rimasto coinvolto anche nelle rivelazioni che il pentito milanese (di origine catanese) Angelo Epaminonda, called "the Theban" had made the right dr. May, starting in November 1984. Epaminondas Cattafi accused of being the emissary of Catania boss Nitto Santapaola business of casinos and be one of the most important men of the Mafia association took office nell'autoparco Solomon Street in Milan. A story to be taken with tongs sull'autoparco the investigation of the Mafia, because he had been unsuccessful in Milan since 1984, when she was pulled out in 1992 by the prosecutor of Florence he was born a violent polemic, exploited by those who had tried to wield in defense of tangents to the regime, as a weapon against the "Clean Hands" pool of Milan. Di quell’inchiesta, nel 1984 a Milano, era stato titolare per l’appunto Francesco Di Maggio, che da un lato aveva raccolto le dichiarazioni di Epaminonda sui mafiosi dell’autoparco e dall’altro aveva ricevuto le informative dei carabinieri sulla stessa vicenda. Ma nulla ne era sortito. Non solo: nel maxiprocesso derivato dalle confessioni di Epaminonda fra gli imputati non era comparso Rosario Cattafi (per lui le accuse di Epaminonda erano state stralciate e inserite nel fascicolo per il sequestro Agrati). Anzi, nel “processo Epaminonda” il P.m. Di Maggio aveva fatto svolgere a Cattafi il ruolo di testimone dell’accusa.
Francesco Di Maggio – non lo avevamo ancora detto – grew up in Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto, son of a Carabinieri officer who served there. Only after the Baccalaureate had moved in Brianza, a province of Desio, where, before entering the judiciary, had had time to devote to politics as a councilor.
Back to the interception of Cattafi written in this form of Gico of Florence. On the night of September 16, 1992 Gico investigators, with an environmentalist placed in the offices of dell'Autoparco way Solomon had intercepted a long conversation between Rosario Cattafi, Ambrose ASC and Vincent Caccamo. speech at one point had gone on repentant Angelo Epaminondas, In May he had revealed to a meeting Cattafi had asked, on behalf of Nitto Santapola to enter the company at the casino in Saint Vincent.
The text reads: " Cattafi: 'I do not know (Angelo Epaminondas, nda) ... and cursed the moment I knew ... because I was ... I was arrested in Switzerland ... I came in Italy, I go down and ask for clarification in Italy arrest warrant ... eh ... I could go out after three months ... at one point ... no time to do investigations and interrogations has repented I'm fucking ... in stock ... uh ... let's say Dr. MAY PM ... do not you know I went to school ... '. GROWING: '... inc. ... IN MAY was a lawyer failed to Monza ... inc. ... IN MAY Caruso was a ... a ... inc. ... Failed ... '. Cattafi: 'This was the son of a policeman in my country (incomp.) says ... ... this sends you as a teller of this international mafia ... ... inc. ... Ehh ... he MAY ... inc. ... Says not a member ... it's not a saying but ... eh ... MAY ... but we hear there was me with - inc. - At this point ... that said we know that for me Santapaola is a man of ... eh ... approached ... ' .
Anyone can get an idea: the more adhesive to the tenor of the words is that Cattafi admit that they have actually met Epaminondas, who then had repented with a PM, Di Maggio, who was tied Cattafi reports dating from ancient times to the Barcellona Pozzo di Gotto school, and not appear to be any doubt that Cattafi report the reaction of surprise that Maggie had to address when the repentant Epaminondas had tied Cattafi the name of the mafia boss and in particular to Santapaola. It is certain that among the revelations of Epaminondas and quell'intercettazione, Cattafi Di Maggio by force of what had been in contact, if only for the fact that the prosecutor had called as a prosecution witness Cattafi for the position of the accused Salvatore Cuscunà process born from the collaboration of Epaminondas. It is therefore quite well founded suspicion that in that conversation intercepted Cattafi repeated a speech made to him personally by his old friend Francesco Di Maggio.
Here, then, as in this incredible game of mirrors that seem to make setting for the negotiation of changing from May to a high degree of character as a criminal Cattafi, which in the decree issued by the Tribunal of Messina which in July 2000 was imposed on the prevention of a special watch with a resident was suspected of being a sort of trait d'union between the Mafia Barcelona, \u200b\u200bCatania mafia and intelligence services.
And so you enter the game's great political subversive project he did, at least in part, is driving the mafia massacres. In this context it is important, then, that two collaborators of justice in Sicily (one of Catania, Maurizio Avola, and a Messina, Luigi Sparacio ) have repeatedly stated that Rosario Cattafi in the early nineties would have participated in some summit, held in the province of Messina, prodromal to the massacres of 1992, the presence, between emissaries of the Mafia and equipment diverted, even Marcello Dell'Utri. These statements have not found here, but even denied.
of that meeting could come back to talk to in the review process that is shaping up for the massacre in via D'Amelio. [22] In fact short of the DDA will ask the Attorney General's Office of Caltanissetta Caltanissetta, the final results of investigations undertaken with the collaboration of Gaspare Spatuzza, which have wiped out the false leads of State who had accompanied the "repentance" of Vincenzo Scarantino and some of the processes that were celebrated in Caltanissetta, the Court of Cassation and Catania. According to the rules of jurisdiction to review processes, as well, to deal with the revision of the massacre on 19 July 1992 will be the Attorney General of Messina, led by magistrate Antonio Franco Barcelona Cassata.
also of him and his links with Cattafi spoken of in the statement of Gico of Florence. At the time of his arrest were found Cattafi agenda of all the telephone numbers of judges, including that of home. Who knows why he kept them on the agenda. It is also reminded of the militancy of Cattafi in a very particular cultural club Barcelona whose name says enough: Corda Fratres (hearts brothers). He was a member, when organizing the murder of the journalist Beppe Alfano or when - according to the account of Brusca - Obtain the remote for the Capaci massacre, even the boss Gullotti. The dominus of the circle was cultural and it is the magistrate, Antonio Franco Cassata, which acts to reach the review process via D'Amelio.
On the walls of the place of Corda Fratres, located in the central square of Barcelona PG, stand out even the old posters showing the participation of a conference held in May in which they were insured by the club and Jose Rosario Cattafi Gullotti.
negotiation and what ensued as a persecution of fate: a dark past that will not pass.
Repici Fabio and Marco Bertelli (February 16, 2011)
[1] The agreement, Giorgio Bongiovanni and Anna Petrozzi, AntimafiaDuemila No. 66, December 20, 2010
[4] Quel no alle revoche del 41-bis , Giovanni Bianconi, Corriere della Sera, 27 gennaio 2010.
[5] Conso e la revoca del carcere duro – “Intese mai, ero chiuso nel mio bunker” , Giovanni Bianconi, Corriere della Sera, 16 febbraio 2010
[9] Drugs, Ganzer sentenced to 14 years, Editor of ilfattoquotidiano.it, July 12, 2010
[10] Deposition Alfonso Sabella before the Fourth Criminal Chamber of the Court of Palermo, the trial of Mario and Mauro Mori Obinu accused of aiding and abetting aggravated the Cosa Nostra for the failure to capture of Bernardo Provenzano, January 11, 2011 (Radio Radical minutes 10)
[11] Silence in the negotiations. Interview with Alfonso Sabella , Lorenzo Baldo, AntiamafiaDuemila, November 14, 2009
[12] Riina: "I thank all the people of Corleone" , Marco Nese, Corriere della Sera, April 30, 1993
[13] La strage della casermetta di Alcamo Marina (dal BLOG di Roberto Scurto, 13 novembre 2009)
[14] Misteri d’Italia: la strage dei carabinieri di Alcamo Marina , Rino Giacalone, www.malaitalia.it, 14 novembre 2010
[15] Giuseppe Gullotta, 22 anni in prigione. ‘In galera da innocente. Perché? ’, Nicola Biondo, L’Unità, 12 agosto 2010
[16] "A Shot in the barracks," Daniela Pellicanò, ed. City of the Sun, 2006
[17] The infiltrate special, Andrew and Rita Cinquini Pennarola, The Voice of Voices, June 6, 2008
[18] illegal wiretapping, arrests in the investigation of twenty-one security Pirelli Telecom, editing Repubblica.it, September 20, 2006
[19] The State seriously degrades those who fight against the Mafia , William Sasinini, Free, April 3, 2008
[20] The Silence of the boss, William Sasinini, Famiglia Cristiana, December 4, 1996
[21] "container operation" in prison Necci , Gianluca Di Feo, Corriere della Sera, September 17, 1996
[22] Case Wallet to review , Giornale Radio Rai January 18, 2011
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