While the country, an important part of the country, took to the streets to demand the resignation and to challenge its political and shameful behavior, while the consensus against the Dictator of Bunga Bunga and his political coalition is in free fall so as to provide for the first time in years, at least to read the polls, a victory for the 'left' but divided and torn, it reinforces Berlusconi in parliament.
Again maybe we deluded - Mills after the ruling, after the split and Finian paralmentare vote of no confidence - which, with the indictment of Berlusconi with immediate induction ceremony to child prostitution and extortion, the experience of ashamed of this government had come to an end.
inescapable conclusion is rational if Italy were a normal country, a country comparable to the so-called democracies of the West (traditional ones liberal Anglo-Saxon countries or the Euro, of Scandinavian social) or to those countries (Tunisia, Egypt, for example) where people have been able to find pride and strength to pursue the common good and reclaim their dignity.
Here we are faced with a journalistic scoop, a memorial to a more or less objectionable for a prosecutor. Here we are at the first pronouncement of a judge who called the allegations so evident that it had to have the trial by summary procedure.
But Italy is not just a normal country would have otherwise Berlusconi did not go into politics and could not dominate the scene for twenty years. Or at least would have to resign and retire to private life for a long time.
Berlusconi has demonstrated that a thousand lives and the ability to use the enormous resources at its disposal to induce caste, economic and financial policies to not turn your back. It 'very singular that faced the minimum levels of unanimous consent in the country and contempt that the public pays the international (contempt which inevitably extends to the whole Italian people ...), able to acquire and restore parliamentary approval .
Besides this is a parliament appointed by the electoral law which he was infamous promoter, and of which more than half the members were chosen according to his instructions. How surprising, then, that those who have not made any scruple of conscience to be elected with him and through him now seize the opportunity to 'monetize' your vote decisive?
not hard to find in South Tyrol, pannelliani, Barbary Calearo Scilipoti, deputies looking for some sneaky or any amendment of vision, for payment of the loan, an armchair, a television contract, the certainty of re-election, they are ready to exchange ideas as vanes.
But parliamentary approval is not failed in part because some big powers (the Vatican and Confindustria) have not (yet) abandoned in the face of failure design of an emergency parliamentary government (the strategy of Fini, Casini and D'Alema) through which to reach a new moderate majority, it is too risky to give Berlusconi now you know how you would determine the outcome. And the proof is in the fifth column of Berlusconi's loyalty to the Vatican (the CL, the Roccella) as well as those in the support of Confindustria (Calearo). The paradox is that precisely the strengthening of the Left in the polls leaves the crisis for ideological reasons that drive some of the parliamentary right to break away from the purpose and the fear of certain lobbies to see put into question their privileges and interests.
The way to defeat Berlusconi is therefore very long, be it legal (where you try to implement all obstacles and all necessary measures to delay or make impossible a sentence: legal impediment, conflict of competence to bring the proceedings to the Court of Ministers, repetition of the process quick and gag law on wiretapping and freedom of publication of legal news, here are all the determination and desperation in wanting to regain Berlusconi 'at all costs' majority in the House), either election (where all will unfold firepower subversive propaganda and any capacity to muddy the waters right), whether it be cultural (where the servants berlusconiani agiranno per impedire l'affermazione della verità e della giustizia). E certo sarebbe illusorio sperare che la svolta possa avvenire da manifestazioni di piazza a meno che queste non assumano dimensioni e forme 'egiziane' o 'tunisine'.
Fa bene dunque Bersani quando tenta di lusingare la Lega con l'attuazione del federalismo per spezzare la maggioranza parlamentare che sostiene Berlusconi? Si tratta di un sano realismo di fronte all'emergenza istituzionale che abbiamo davanti?
Evidentemente tutto va valutato in funzione dell'alternativa che si vuole perseguire: se questa deve essere interna al sistema, compatibile con i poteri forti che hanno sostenuto Berlusconi, senza mettere in gioco i rapporti di forza sociali and economic indicators to be without a fight and the cultural context in which the majority the government has built its electoral support, then that certainly can not move in a logic of negotiation and alliance with the right economic and political. The message is simple: we can achieve what Mr Berlusconi has not (been) able to do.
But for those who believe in a political alternative that could be achieved after the victory over Berlusconi, a deep and radical social, economic, cultural image, the strategy of PD appears in all its inadequacy, betrayal of its authentic ideals and their own history, able only to confuse each time (emphasis Fini and Casini than Vendola and Di Pietro, arguing against the reasons for those Marchionne Fiom; interview with the League against Racism and xenophobia) his electoral base and all democratic citizens.
0 comments:
Post a Comment